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At the emergence of capitalism, it was assumed that the financial monetary resources required would come from the savings that the bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, would make, because poor people have usually been unable to save. Resources would come from the savings of the capital invested at home or abroad. Today, capital flows from the printing presses of the U.S. reserve system; I think there is where they are.

Take a look at this planet, at the world economic order and see why, when those things happen, there will unavoidably be not nuclear wars, but nuclear social explosions, the crisis that will put an end to all this. Let no one doubt it: this is unsustainable, regardless of how you analyze it or look at it.

When I talked about the significant role of communicators, about their role here, fighting against those people, I was not trying to praise you, but rather to express a deep conviction. We have the immense honor, an honor for Cuba --in a world full of such great political cowardice, in a world where there are so many weak politicians, or so many politicians who are so weak, to be more accurate-- of being the only country not only blockaded, of course, everyone knows that, but also of being the only country to which that powerful empire, in its desperation to reach the impossible objective of making us surrender, bans the sale of food and medicine.

See how low that system has fallen, see its decadence.

You mentioned today the United Nations voting. See the level of discredit, in spite of the huge propaganda machinery daily harping against this small country. Dante would not have been capable of painting a country such as the Cuba painted by these media, by this hideous imperialist machinery, with these lies about our small and --allow me to say it, even when blushing-- heroic country, not because of its own merits, but because of the circumstance of having such a mighty power as its neighbor and opponent. If our enemy were a small, powerless adversary, there would be no talk about Cuba in the world.

They have used all these means and, in spite of it, unbelievable things like what took place in the last voting have happened. Someone was late and went to the podium to explain that he had not cast his vote, but his position was this and this, in favor of the Cuban resolution. Another had pressed the button, but his name did not show on the board among those who voted, and he said: "Listen, I am here to say that I pressed the button and that we support the Cuban resolution." A thing like this had never happened before; and there was a representative from the United States denying the existence of the blockade on food and medicines.

I have had real fun these days, because I have seen them embarrassed, confused, tangled up and bewildered, whatever you want, in a way that makes them hysterical. What was all their media worth? What was the use of portraying Cuba as pure hell and making who knows how many people believe it? I can bear witness to this. I receive many people visiting Cuba. When they see this is not the hell they expected, they start criticizing us, as if we were to blame for the fact that the rest of the world does not know about all the things that happen in Cuba, all the things the Cuban Revolution has done, and they almost call us morons for not having made this known.

For example, how many million people in the world would have to be explained that those 157 votes against two were actually 155 plus two that stated their position right there and the reasons why they had not voted. There was a third country that declared the same thing the following day. Its ambassador had not been there, and he asked the organization to record in the minutes that he was absent that day, but wanted to express his support. That makes 158. There were also six countries that had always supported the Cuban resolution but because of the enormous poverty many Third World countries are suffering they were in default, since they had been unable to pay their fees.

Why this support despite all the slander? What happened this year with the notorious Geneva Resolution comes to my mind: the day before the voting at midnight we had 25 votes for us, 6 more than the empire, that is, votes against the United States resolution. By 8:00 a.m. the following morning, just a few hours later, we had one vote less than they did: 20 votes for them and 19 for us. The top leaders of that country –the distinguished Secretary of State, the very distinguished Vice President of that country, and even the very illustrious President of the United States– had been desperately working the phone. I will not mention the circumstances, I will not mention any of those countries, because they really wanted to vote for us.

An abstention that became a vote against and 5 countries that were for us but were asked, urged, practically forced, to abstain caused the result against us. This happened in seven to eight hours, because when they saw they were losing, they did not sleep that night. They cannot imagine the humiliation it is for a leader to be forced to act against his wishes, or even his commitments.

That took place in Geneva, where they were going to get a real thrashing, but the number of participants was smaller, much smaller than in the General Assembly. They have a group of allies there that are unconditionally with them on these issues, mainly because of the slander.

You were speaking about the thousands of journalists murdered in these last few years in Latin America and other places and I racked my brains trying to find the name of a Cuban journalist murdered in these 40 years of Revolution. I racked my brains trying to make sure that I had not become amnesic, looking for the name of a Cuban journalist tortured by the Revolution, the name of a Cuban journalist beaten by the Revolution.

There have been some who have dishonored that noble profession and acted not like journalists, but like servants of that mighty empire, like mercenaries, betraying their small country, even though it had given them the opportunity to study a university career such as journalism thanks to the Revolution.

No matter what our mistakes may have been, no one has the right to betray their country, no one has the right to sell out and work like a mercenary for the enemy not only of our people, but the enemy of humankind. They betray their country and betray all humankind!

But not even for being traitors has anyone beaten them, physically eliminated them or committed an act of cruelty against them. If any of these mercenaries gets sick, he goes to a hospital sooner than a minister or a health official in this country. Some traitors have been tried and sentenced when they have committed serious crimes, when they have damaged the country, but not with death, not with beatings or torture, and they enjoy the same rights and benefits of all other citizens.

There are those who left the country and today make a living by contributing to the lies and slander of the empire. Even worse, there are some that have never written a page nor read a text on journalism and yet call themselves journalists. It is the empire that grants their certificates. They mix all sorts of people and call them independent journalists. Independent no less! They are the very embodiment of dependency and mercenary attitudes.

To call them so is as big an offense to such an honorable profession as giving Jose Marti’s name to a U.S. radio station operating from Miami, with an antenna set on a balloon many meters high and whose power, in their anger and desperation, they now want to double from 50 000 watts to 100 000. This is because the talented and brilliant owners of the most impressive technology have not been able to have their television station seen, nor their radio stations heard, except for a few broadcastings at some given times, because our very modest technicians always come up with something to silence them. They broadcast thousands of hours a day, thousands of hours of lies!

Is that democracy, is that freedom of the press? No, it is the press and the mass media at the service of the most grotesquely lying individuals, professionals in lies, slander and betrayal.

They spread their main propaganda from there but they also do it from here. More than a thousand foreign journalists are here right now for the summit. It is similar to what happened when the Pope came and thousands of journalists came to the country. Many of them were honest journalists coming from different places, but many were also sent to witness the fall of the walls of Jericho at the sound of the supposed trumpets. They believed the visit of the Holy Father in our country would mean the fall of the Revolution in a few hours. First, they deceived themselves by ignoring the ideological, political and intellectual strength of our people –a mistake they have made very many times-- and, second, they were mistaken about the Pope.

I read a cable recently –and this is something I have not said, but I am going to tell you– one of those cables I have to read every day. This one announced a new biography of Pope John Paul II, I do not know by whom, an American author, and it was an official biography. It was to come out in a few days, a 900-page volume. According to the cable, the author interviewed John Paul II ten times over the last few years, since he considered him a unique personality, which he is undoubtedly, I have said it myself several times. Now again, according to the cable, my only source of information so far, what is the image they intend to offer of him in this biography? That of a sort of lion tamer, something very far from the kindly image we have of this Pope.

The Pope was in this very Aula Magna giving a lecture. There, from that seat (he points at one of the seats where the audience is sitting) I listened to the Pope’s lecture. According to the program, I did not have to attend, but I wanted to come and listen to him. He is very far from being the person the cable would make you believe –a lion taming Pope.

Even when it is a biography that evidently took years to conceive and write, what is the first thing the cable says about the book? That it devotes a chapter to Cuba. Oh, nothing good. It says that the book reveals the private matters, the details of what it calls the hardest test to the Pope’s strategy in the second decade of his mandate –this is what it calls it, strategy, a military term– his trip to Cuba. It immediately describes the words and heroic deeds of the Vatican spokesman, Navarro Valls, one of the Pope’s envoys in the months prior to the visit. He is a person I know. I have had the honor of meeting him. I have spoken with him even about matters that may be considered philosophical, although I spoke of these topics especially with an excellent priest and theologian who was sitting next to me (Monsignor Marini, the Pope’s assistant and today bishop), who made a good impression with his discreet behavior and deep and even-tempered reasoning. This happened after dinner when conversation went on for hours. Navarro was sitting in front of me and the priest was sitting next to me. I had raised a theological question on the position of the Catholic Church about the possibility of intelligent life on other planets. So, I know Navarro Valls well. I know what he talks about, what he thinks and what he says. I have spoken with him more than once. He was always respectful and cautious.

It is very regrettable and I hope they are no more than slanted, inaccurate and grossly false interpretations that the author of the biography makes of his words, as reported in the cable.

It is obvious that the person who wrote this cable, a reporter from the Notimex agency in Rome, got a scoop maybe they even gave him the complete text; it is also possible that he spiced up the draft he was given.

The first issue that the cable emphasizes is that the Pope's visit to Cuba was imposed on Castro. Actually, it was very sad for me to learn that day that, for the first time in my life, something had been imposed on me, that for the first time in the history of this Revolution, something had been imposed on our people, our government, our Party, our homeland. It was really disgusting, that phrase.

Of course, there were other issues. The cable discusses a letter, real or false, which, according to the author of the book, the Pope sent to Brezhnev to prevent the invasion of Poland. I do not know anything about that matter, nor whether the Pope sent a letter to Brezhnev; if that is the case, there will certainly be copies of it in the archives of the CIA and the U.S. Secret Service, because it is well known that, when Russia became "democratic", its archives fell into the hands of U.S. intelligence, and so they would know, better than anyone else, the contents of that letter. I do not know it, I do not know its contents; the cable only contains a few sentences between quotation marks. The complete version must be in the book.

This matter also supports the theory of the Pope as a lion tamer: the Pope, with his letter, prevented the invasion of Poland.

I knew Brezhnev well and other Soviet leaders of his era, too. Also their methods, styles, edicts, errors. But they were extremely cautious since they were particularly interested in avoiding certain risks in their relations with the West. When Cuba decided to send troops to Angola, to challenge the South African racists’ invasion, there were more than a few contradictions with them and signs of fear.

In my opinion, the Soviets could not invade Poland; I could list many reasons, the most important of which is the high risk that such a foolish action, right in the heart of Europe, could have led to a nuclear world war.

Anyone who is familiar with history and has an ounce of common sense, can imagine heavy pressures and even strong words from the USSR; but that country, already embarked on the Afghanistan adventure was not in a political situation to simultaneously launch troops against Poland, a courageous people with fighting traditions and tens of millions of inhabitants. That, in addition to the important and decisive political factor, would have overloaded and created chaos within the soviet military mechanism, amidst great world tension.

It is commendable that the Pope would write a letter; it is commendable that he would argue and reason against the remote possibility. But the clumsy eagerness to present him as a lion tamer undoubtedly leads to an overstatement in claiming that with his letter he prevented the invasion of Poland.

The Pope’s great influence over political events in the country where he was born is unquestionable, as it is that the Pope's views hold great sway. It could be a major subjective factor, which added to the true and objective reasons for which Poland could not be the target of a Soviet invasion.

Even worse: according to the much talked-about cable, the book recounts a message from the Pope to Bush, trying to persuade him against starting a war with Iraq, to which Bush replied that it was impossible; and several hours before the combat began -so goes the text of the cable- the Pope called President George Bush, and "even though he once more declared his opposition to the use of force, he offered his support."

Thus, the Pope is portrayed supporting that war. Actually, I cannot conceive of this Pope supporting a war. Anyone who knows him, anyone who has listened to him, and who knows that he is very cultured, holds deep convictions, has a knowledge of almost every language, of all philosophies, and all religions, cannot imagine the Pope taking such a stand.

I believe that if the Pope were unable convince someone that it is better not to embark on a vicious and destructive war, his reaction would be: I am very sorry, it is sad, it is painful, thousands are going to die, tens of thousands of people; hundreds of thousands of children are going to die in this country, from starvation, from lack of medicine - as has happened. It is impossible to accept the idea that the Pope would give his best wishes for victory to the head of an empire which years ago killed more than 4 million human beings in Viet Nam, left an unknown number physically disabled, poisoned land and forests for tens of years and caused, with its brutal and unjust aggression, tens of thousands of Vietnamese of all ages to suffer psychiatric trauma from which they will never recuperate as long as they live.

You do not need to be a member of his church, you do not need to be a believer to be absolutely convinced that this is impossible, that it is untrue.

How can anyone pretend to write an authorized biography of the Pope, depicting him in such shades of character? Is this really going to help the Catholic church which, just like other churches, wishes to promote its doctrine, its religion and to expand it worldwide?

And as far as the chapter about our country is concerned, how could anyone be so infamous as to reciprocate all the attention, the consideration, the courtesy and the gestures that we extended to the Pope --sincere, hospitable, respectful and friendly gestures-- with such crude lies?

I spoke for hours on the television, clarifying historic events and dispelling prejudices, with the aim of persuading Party members and young people, our heroic nation's fighting revolutionary masses made up of millions of people that, despite the philosophical and political differences, we had to set an example by taking part without posters and slogans, and with utmost respect, in the events involving our illustrious visitor.

We practically gave our country over to the Pope. There was not a single man with a gun or a revolver in the streets. There was not even a traffic accident caused by the mobilizations. It was --according to what many people in the Vatican later said-- the best-organized visit that the Pope had made. One hundred and ten foreign television channels, thousands of journalists, just to broadcast his visit! All the necessary means and transport, which was practically everything available in the country, facilities and squares chosen by the Pope's representatives were placed at his disposal, without a single exception.

They inspected in detail the chambers and rooms of the Council of State which were of interest to them. They requested the use of the Aula Magna of the University of Havana; Antonio Maceo Square, in Santiago de Cuba; Ignacio Agramonte Square in Camagüey, and finally, Revolution Square, in the capital of the Republic. They were given them all. For the mass in Santa Clara they were offered Ernesto Che Guevara Square, which they turned down. A square had to be hurriedly set up on the playing fields of the Villa Clara Faculty of Physical Education.

Cuban Television's main channel was placed at the service of the Pope to broadcast the masses, the homilies and the speeches made in every location. It was a perfect example of our traditional hospitality, decency, culture, the political courage of our people, and quite simply, an undeniable demonstration of our respect for the Pope as an eminent personality, head of a centuries-old religious institution, in the same way as we have known how to express our respect and recognition for all religions which are practiced in our country.

The official invitation to visit Cuba was personally delivered to the Pope on November 19, 1996, when I had an interview with him in the Vatican, where he received me with impeccable friendliness and respect.

Many of those measures adopted to guarantee the brilliance and success of the visit were not asked for by anybody --they were Cuba's initiative.

Is it fair, then, is it decent to present the Pope's visit to Cuba as something that was imposed on us?

The person who worked the most and best, among the Pope's envoys, was Father Tucci, a noble and devoted priest, who has organized the Pope's trips for the past 17 years, and with whom I had several meetings; he is not even mentioned in that cable.

Regardless the intentions of those who cooperated with the writing of this biography, whose author obviously had good access to the Vatican's archives, and held long and intimate conversations with Navarro Valls, whose words he transcribed, manipulated and interpreted in his own way, with an unquestionable hatred of Cuba, how could the Catholic Church benefit from such an unfair image as that which is portrayed, both of the Pope and Cuba?

It is known that the Pope wants to visit Viet Nam; if someone is later going to say that the Pope forced the Vietnamese into it, and that one of his emissaries imposed the visit on Viet Nam, the chance of the Vietnamese risking a visit from the Pope is going to diminish considerably.

It is known that the Pope would like to visit China. If the Chinese read a book of this sort, with the image of the Pope as a lion tamer, it is going to be very difficult for the Chinese to agree to the Pope's visit. It is completely absurd, and not in the slightest Christian, diplomatic or politic. I am entirely convinced that John Paul II will feel disturbed and embittered by this blatant manipulation of his trip to Cuba, where he received so much attention, such displays of respect, consideration and affection.

I have told you this story. It is further proof of how the media are used and of how myths about our homeland are invented, something which causes visitors to criticize us for not having been capable of letting the world know the truth, that this country is not Dante's inferno.

I was telling you of the satisfaction and inspiration left here by the congress of the Journalist's Union of Cuba. It was a congress that lasted several days longer than was planned. Every day it went on into the early hours of morning, and on the last day, if I am not mistaken, it was almost dawn when they finished. What time was it? (They say it was 8:30 in the morning). Four and a half days were spent discussing our problems, analyzing them in depth with a critical approach.

Of course, our difficult circumstances were made worse by our failure to make the best possible use of the media resources in our battle against imperialism. Because the fundamental aim of the Revolution has been to fight for social and human justice, and to fight against those people in the world who oppose that justice, which is the raison d’être of the Revolution.

Those days in the congress, we discussed the enormous possibilities offered by the media to a revolution and to a socialist revolutionary state. There, we were more acutely aware than ever before that the battle was not our battle, that we were the least important players, and that our country's struggle and the struggle of our communicators were turning into a battle for the world. Believe me, it was a great source of encouragement. We had such a clear perception then, and no issue was left out, we analyzed everything.

The fact that this course is holding its graduation today, is a result of that congress, because there they said: "What a shame that those courses attended Latin American journalists have been reduced to almost zero." The institution was in a precarious situation as far as resources and scholarships were concerned. Then a series of measures were produced for immediate implementation. You cannot imagine how much progress has been made in seven months!

III PART