We have come to charge those who are lying;
to state our truths, and we come armed with arguments: an arsenal of just ideas and the
history of the struggle of our people, who cannot be forced by anything or anybody to
renounce their undertaking to attain complete justice, and whose ironclad will to fight
has not been crushed by aggression, blockades and defamation, nor has their full
independence even been dented.
The Human Rights Commission is now more divided than
ever and is close to being irreversibly discredited. On one side are the representatives
of the Third World: we are the hostages of debt, the victims of the unjust order imposed
on the world, and merely the masters of our misery and relegation; we are the ones who
furnish the millions of hungry, poor, illiterate peoples, the children and mothers who
die, those who have cemented the opulence of our exploiters with our suffering. In this
commission, we are always the accused.
On the other side are the representatives of the
developed and rich countries: they are the creditors, those who consume almost everything
that is produced, those who squander, contaminate and overlook the fact that they owe
their wealth to us. And they are, moreover, those who try to become the accusers and
judges of our countries.
The time has come to sweep away hypocrisy and double
standards from the labors of this commission. Could the United States explain why it votes
against considering hunger, which currently affects almost one billion people, an outrage
against and a violation of human dignity?
Could it explain how it, while attempting to accuse
Cuba, it opposes the condemnation of the flagrant and massive violations of human rights
perpetrated by the Israeli army against the valiant Palestinian people?
The time has come to demand a wide-ranging process of
reform and democratization of this commission. Every year we discuss it and various
resolutions to this end have been passed. Nevertheless, it is a fact that the Human Rights
Commission continues to be an instrument in the service of domination on the part of the
United States and its allies.
Can this situation be changed? Of course it can. But
we require you, the representatives of the developed countries, to modestly accept the
justice of our demands. It is necessary that you acknowledge that you are not the absolute
masters of the truth. You must give up the racist notion that we, the poor, cannot also be
right.
We need a more democratic and tolerant world. Why
does a small group of rich and powerful countries want to impose a world which is
increasingly less democratic and pluralistic? Why do we not fight for greater tolerance
not only within countries, but in relations among countries? Why not accept the existence
of diverse models of civil and political structures? What right do they have to attempt to
impose a single democratic model? Did we not agree at the World Conference on Human Rights
that all peoples have the right of self-determination and, by virtue of this right, to
freely establish their political conditions?
The labors of this commission can only prove useful
if they are based on respectful cooperation; never on dogmatic imposition and arrogance.
Cuba will continue to demand that this commission
cease being a hostage of unjustifiable interests. Cuba will not stop battling as long as
the rights of all countries are not respected, until the work of this commission is
guaranteed to be pluralistic, transparent, objective and democratic.
Mr. President:
The United States accuses Cuba of human rights
violations. As we all know, this accusation does not stem from any genuine concern for the
human rights situation in Cuba. It is really about whether a small Third World country can
or cannot select its own road and construct, in its own way, a future of equality and
well-being for its sons and daughters.
I reject with profound contempt the charge against
Cuba, fabricated by the United States and imposed by means of heavy pressure in the very
heart of this commission. I firmly sustain, looking at all of you directly in the eyes,
that there are no violations of human rights in Cuba; that the attempt to single out Cuba
in this commission has absolutely no justification; that such an asseveration is only
possible due to the pathological incapacity of the United States to accept Cuba as an
independent country which it no longer controls.
After more than 40 years of genocidal blockade and
economic warfare, invasions, acts of terrorism, attempts at subversion, sabotage, plots to
assassinate Cuban leaders, biological warfare and many other aggressions, the Human Rights
Commission is the latest battlefield between U.S. attempts to oppress Cuba and our desires
for independence, justice and development.
I am not going to spend time explaining Cuban
realities and in proving the unjust and selective nature of the U.S. accusations. There
really is no need. Whether you acknowledge it or not, you know it. I will confine myself
to saying that the United States is the country with the least moral authority to judge
Cuba in terms of human rights and democracy.
I have to ask: have you seen in Cuba, at any time
whatsoever, the police beating up workers or students on a demonstration, firing rubber
bullets at them, letting loose dogs, horses or tear gas on them, as occurs daily in more
than a few places in the world of today?
You know that in Cuba the leaders march together with
the people on demonstrations.
Even the recent U.S. State Department report on the
human rights situation in the worldin which, of course, I recognize no legitimacy
whatsoever and in which, as we know, the only country not mentioned is the United States
itselfacknowledges that there are no deaths or disappearances for political motives
in Cuba. Despite its visceral hatred of our country, its obsession to condemn us and its
lack of scruples, the United States has not dared to lie, at least on this aspect. Our
record is so transparent and humane that it is impossible to deny it!
Is there somebody in this room who could mention one
sole case of torture, murder or a disappeared person in Cuba? Does anyone in this room
know of one single case of a journalist murdered in Cuba, or of kidnapped
childrenother than the failed attempt to kidnap a Cuban child in the United States;
or of the sale of children or of slavery?
Has anyone heard talk of a death squad in Cuba? Has
anyone seen a demonstration of mothers and grandmothers reclaiming their murdered or
disappeared children and grandchildren? Have any of you heard that the Cuban government,
behind the peoples back, has imposed an International Monetary Fund adjustment
program or has given away the countrys wealth to the transnationals? Have you asked
yourselves why, after 40 years of blockade and 10 years of extreme economic difficulties,
we have preserved the overwhelming support of our people, which is daily growing?
The response lies in the fact that the Revolution
belongs to the people, not to an elite obsessed with power.
As leaders in Cuba, we see our responsibilities as a
duty, an attitude towards life, not a way to make a living. Our authority is not solely
based on our democratic and transparent election without money or corruption, but on our
peoples conviction that we do not steal, that we do not see ourselves above their
needs and dreams, that we share their difficulties, that we do not renounce an austere and
committed life.
Does this mean that we have created a perfect
society? No, we are not satisfied. We are only beginning.
We are trying to eradicate centuries of
marginalization and injustice. We are attempting to raise education and culture to levels
never before attained by our people. We are striving to achieve for our children levels of
equality, social justice and community participation that have not been reached in any
other society.
We shall make every effort necessary to continue
improving our work, to make our political system even more efficient and participatory
although it is well known that it is incomparably more democratic than that of our
fallacious accusers.
In Cuba we are fighting for a society which is ever
more tolerant and humane. We dream of a people ever more cultured and educated, which is a
way of saying a people that is freer by the day. We aspire to all the knowledge possible
for all of the people, and not just for an elite. We dream of a people with a deep social
sensibility, freed from egotism, with deep-rooted humanist convictions. We dream, and we
are continually drawing closer to those dreams, of a people for whom the homeland is
humanity. A society like ours, where people and their dignity are the center, and which
does not accept violence, repression or deceit.
We cannot be pressured. We do what we believe is just
and appropriate. We have our ethics. We have morals. And I should state with all clarity:
we do not accept and will not accept pressure or threats.
It is the time for definitions. Anyone who supports
the United States in its ineffectual motion against Cuba does not have the moral authority
to talk to us of human rights. One cannot reject the blockade of Cuba and at the same time
be an accomplice of the United States in the maneuver with which it is trying to justify
that blockade.
We have the encouragement and sympathy of the peoples
of Latin America, who know that our fight is also for their rights, who remember
Cubas support in the period when U.S.-backed dictatorships tortured, murdered and
disappeared thousands of people in Our America.
We also know that Cubas fight is for respect
for the rights of the entire Third World, for an end to the disdain and the lack of
recognition of our right to a more egalitarian and just world, our right to development
and life.
Mr. President:
It annoys the United States that Cuba wishes to be
free and independent. And Cuba is not going to renounce being ever more free and
independent!
It annoys the United States that Cuba is socialist.
And Cuba is going to be more and more socialist!
It annoys the United States that in Cuba the people
command. And in Cuba, more and more, the people are going to be the owners of their
destiny!
It annoys the United States that Cuba has foiled its
imperialist and hegemonic aspirations. And Cuba will be more and more anti-imperialist and
in solidarity with just causes!
The United States wants to organize a party calling
for annexation to the United States in a fragmented and weak Cuba. And Cuba will maintain
the party of unity and independence, of social justice and dignity, of real equality and
genuine solidarity among all humans and peoples, without which there can be no freedom,
democracy or peace!
Our ideas, our right, our truth, our invincible
strength, our indestructible freedom are sustained by 40 years of heroic resistance.
The U.S. rulers no longer know what to do with Cuba.
In one field or another, they are suffering defeat after defeat. What they are trying to
achieve in this commission, on the basis of humiliating pressure on its members, and at an
extremely high political cost, demonstrates that they have forgotten that famous
reflection of King Pyrrhus: "With another victory like this, I am lost."
Such efforts have turned us into the freest people on
earth, not dependent on its trade, its credits or its investments. Today, we enjoy the
rare, almost unique privilege of being able to tell you the whole truth and to destroy
every one of their lies, on this or any other rostrum.
We are not accusing the people of the United States,
capable of being noble and idealistic; we are accusing a hegemonic system of domination,
and a selfish, rapacious and unsustainable political and economic order imposed on the
world.
Some ask us to make a gesture to please the United
States. The gesture that I am making, on behalf of my people, is to raise my fist and say
loud and clear the words that we Cubans have repeated for 40 years in the face of each one
of its crimes and aggressions against Cuba: ¡Patria o muerte! ¡Venceremos!