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‘Cuba
proclaims here that it is opposed to renewed
military action against Iraq’
SPEECH
GIVEN BY FELIPE PÉREZ ROQUE, MINISTER OF FOREIGN
AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA, AT THE 57th
SESSION OF THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY, NEW YORK,
SEPTEMBER 14, 2002.
Mr.
President:
One
year ago this General Assembly had to be postponed
due to the brutal crime perpetrated on September
11. A wave of solidarity with the U.S. people,
especially with the families of the almost 3,000
innocent victims of that unjustifiable terrorist
act, swept the world.
The
conditions were established for a genuine
international alliance under the auspices and
direction of the United Nations Organization, with
absolute respect for the ideas and principles
consecrated in its Charter. Virtually all
countries, irrespective of their ideological,
political, cultural and religious differences,
demonstrated their willingness to actively
cooperate with this idea of unobjectionable common
interest.
However,
another vision was imposed. It was unwontedly
proclaimed that those who did not second warfare
being decided by one country alone would be seen
as favoring terrorism. The Security Council was
even informed that that country reserved the right
to decide, by itself, to attack other nations in
the future.
A
unilateral war was then unleashed in which the
number of victims is still unknown and whose most
tangible consequence will probably be that of
dealing a powerful blow to the UN’s credibility
and to multilateralism as a way of confronting the
complex challenges currently facing us.
What
is the balance today? Feelings of hatred, revenge
and insecurity are greater, which does not help
the fight against terrorism. Dangerous xenophobic
and discriminatory currents are threatening the
existence of a pluralistic and democratic world.
Public liberties and civil rights have suffered a
setback.
Meanwhile,
certain powers have lacked the political will to
rigorously apply — in a non-selective and
non-hypocritical way — the 12 international
legal agreements related to combating terrorism.
Nor have we advanced in what is currently an
essential definition of state terrorism.
For
its part, Cuba, the victim of acts of terrorism
for over 40 years, has expressed its opinions in
this Assembly with calmness and firmness, and
unswervingly condemned the crime of September 11
and terrorism. But it has also opposed warfare on
the basis of ethical considerations and respect
for international law; it has signed and ratified
the 12 international agreements against terrorism,
approved national legislation against that
scourge, and has fully cooperated with the labors
of the committee created by the Security Council
for those ends. At the same time, at a bilateral
level, the island proposed the adoption of a
program to combat terrorism to the U.S. government
that, incomprehensibly, that government rejected.
To
date, and despite the fact not having developed
nor intending to develop nuclear weapons, Cuba has
not been a member state of the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty, given that it is an
inadequate and discriminatory instrument that has
allowed a club of nuclear powers to be established
without any concrete commitment to disarmament.
However, as a sign of the Cuban government’s
clear political will and commitment to an
effective disarmament process guaranteeing world
peace, our country has decided to adhere to the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, thus reaffirming
our aspiration for the total elimination of all
nuclear weapons, under strict international
verification.
In
addition to and despite the fact that the only
nuclear power in the Americas maintains a hostile
policy towards Cuba that does not exclude the use
of force, Cuba is also to ratify the Latin America
and Caribbean Treaty for the Prohibition of
Nuclear Arms known as the Tlatelolco Treaty, which
our country signed in 1995.
On
a day like this, I shall repeat the words
expressed by Cuba at the last General Assembly:
“Only under the leadership of the United Nations
can we defeat terrorism. Cooperation, not war, is
the way. The coordination of actions and not their
imposition is the method… Cuba reiterates its
condemnation of terrorism in all its forms and
manifestations. Cuba reiterates that it will never
allow its territory to be used for terrorist acts
against the people of the United States or of any
other country.”
Mr.
President:
Why
have we not seen a zeal similar to that unleashed
in the war in Afghanistan applied to seeking a
just and lasting solution for peace in the Middle
East? Why have some people not uttered a single
word to condemn the aggression against the
territory of Palestine and the crimes against its
people? Why have the selective murders and use of
military force against the civilian population not
been condemned? Why has impunity been guaranteed
for the Israeli Army’s actions, thus tying the
hands of the Security Council? Why has firm action
not been taken to implement the Security Council
resolutions guaranteeing the proclamation of an
independent and sovereign Palestinian state, with
East Jerusalem as its capital? Why does the only
superpower on the planet today act in one way in
one case and a different way in another? Why is
there no end to the suffering of Palestinian
mothers whose children have also been killed, as
were the innocent people of September 11?
Answers
should be given to these questions by those in
this room who bear the responsibility for what is
happening in the occupied Palestinian and Arab
territories.
Mr.
President:
A
new war against Iraq now seems inevitable, an
escalation of the situation of constant aggression
which that nation has experienced for the last 10
years. There is talk now of a “preventive
strike” in plain violation of the spirit and
letter of the UN Charter.
Cuba
defends principles, not conveniences, and
therefore, although that may displease its
sponsors, is categorically opposed to this war.
Cuba is not motivated by an anti-U.S. spirit, even
though that government has maintained and
strengthened a blockade of more than 40 years
against our people.
However,
not stating the truth out of cowardice or
political calculation is not characteristic of the
Cuban Revolution. Thus, Cuba proclaims here that
it is opposed to renewed military action against
Iraq. We do so while recalling that, at the time,
it supported the Security Council resolution
calling on the Iraqi government to withdraw from
Kuwait.
We
maintain that it would be insane to develop
weapons of mass destruction today and we perceive
the only possible way to world peace is through
general and complete disarmament, including
nuclear disarmament, and reorienting money
currently spent on arms to confront humanity’s
extremely grave economic and social problems.
The
Arab countries have been categorical in their
rejection of this war; the majority of the
European countries are not seconding it; the
international community is perceiving with growing
concern how a new war is being announced on the
basis of accusations that have not been proven and
ignoring the evident reality that Iraq cannot be a
danger to the United States.
If
the U.S. government unleashes a new war against
Iraq, imposing it on the Security Council or
unilaterally opting for it against international
public opinion, this will have marked the birth of
the century of unilateralism and the enforced
retirement of the United Nations.
It
would then appear that the Cold War era, with its
distant bipolarity, errors and contradictions were
not as sterile and dangerous as the stage
inexorably emerging today before the world.
Mr.
President:
We
must save the United Nations. Cuba defends both
the need for its preservation and that of its
radical reform and democratization. But this must
be done respecting its Charter and not rewriting
or distorting its purposes and principles. In the
end, we must give the General Assembly its role
established by the Charter. We must rescue the
Security Council from the discredit and the doubts
justifiably weighing it down today, and transform
it into a truly representative organization –
and I am speaking of the presence of the Third
World nations and not military strength as a
justification for membership — into a democratic
organization – and I am speaking of eliminating
the veto and other anti-democratic practices –
into a transparent body – and I am speaking of
an end to secret discussions and real decisions
being made in secret by a few and imposed on the
rest.
Today,
when it is being more threatened than ever, Cuba
all the more strongly defends the need to preserve
multilateralism in international relations. For
that reason, we have viewed with frustration the
disappointing outcome of negotiations for
establishing an International Crimes Tribunal,
which Cuba supported, understanding it as a
genuinely impartial body, non-selective, efficient
and complementary to national justice systems, and
genuinely independent. De facto amending the
international treaty that gave life to the
tribunal, validated by the Security Council, or
imposing humiliating bilateral agreements on other
countries to prevent them from fulfilling the
international commitments derived from that
agreement, is not only arrogant, but also
irresponsible.
The
International Crimes Tribunal being proclaimed
today is not the body we needed and for which we
fought, but one subordinated to hegemonic
political interests and a potential victim of
manipulation, tied from its birth to the decisions
of some permanent member of the Security Council.
What genuine international justice can be expected
from a body lacking a definition of the crime of
aggression, or that could receive instructions
from the Security Council to suspend or
indefinitely prorogue a case at the request of one
of its permanent members? Who can guarantee that
the Tribunal will not end up becoming an
instrument in the service of interventionism and
domination on the part of the more powerful
countries?
Cuba
reiterates here, today, what it already stated at
the recent Johannesburg Summit: it is imperative
to re-found the international financial
institutions. It is imperative to create a
legitimate substitute for the International
Monetary Fund. It is imperative to direct the
labors of the World Bank to support the real
exercise of the right to development of more than
130 Third World nations. It is imperative to place
new financial resources for combating poverty,
underdevelopment, disease and hunger in the hands
of the United Nations. It is imperative to rescue
the World Trade Organization from the interests of
a small number of rich and powerful countries, and
convert it into an instrument in the service of a
just and equitable international trade system.
The
scant results of the Monterrey and Johannesburg
Summits, Mr. President, and the wave of justified
anger and questioning they have inspired, lays on
the table once again the issue of a lack of
political will on the part of the principle
industrialized countries to give up some of their
privileges to permit a real change in the unjust
and unsustainable world order that is today
submerging two thirds of the world population in
poverty.
I
recognize, Mr. President, that Cuba’s words
might not be shared by some persons in this room.
I also understand that they may be taken as an
attack on one country in particular. However, that
is not the reason. Words have to be used to defend
the truth and that is what Cuba has done and will
always do. We are a small and noble nation that
proclaimed a long time ago that for us, the
Cubans, “Homeland is humanity.”
Thank
you very much.
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