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OPENING REMARKS BY MR. FELIPE PÉREZ
ROQUE, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC
OF CUBA, AT THE III CONFERENCE “THE NATION AND
EMIGRATION”
HAVANA, 21 MAY 2004
Guests to this III Conference:
Comrades all:
In
opening this III Conference “The Nation and
Emigration,” we welcome all the guests and,
particularly, those who have arrived from the United
States by overcoming pressures, risks and a great
deal of uncertainty.
Ten
years have already elapsed since the I Conference.
In this period, we have extensively proven that the
process of normalization of relations between the
emigration and the country – started by our
Government during the 1978 Dialogue as a result of
the Revolution’s maturity and strength, followed up
at the I and II Conferences – is irreversible. The
outcome of the decisions made is encouraging, even
amid the growing hostility, the threats of
aggression and the manipulation of the migration
issue against Cuba.
When
we hosted the I Conference, the Cubans were barely
able to migrate legally to the United States. The US
Government flagrantly failed to comply with the
agreements existing from the mid-80s. That caused a
new boatlift, from which new accords were
established – which, although not fully fulfilled by
the US Government, have made it possible for nearly
200,000 Cubans to migrate legally to the United
States over the last ten years. Once more, it has
been the Cuban Government the one that has defended
and rendered possible the right to migrate legally
to that country.
In
1994, Cuba was visited by 37,000 Cubans living
abroad; in 2003, by nearly 168,000, of which some
115,000 came from the United States.
In
2000, some 38,000 Cubans made family-related visits
to the US; if they cannot do it now, it is because
of the prohibitions put in place by the US
Government. Those who migrate legally no longer have
to wait for five years to return to our country on a
visit. The Cuban youths who live abroad can take
university courses on a cost-recovery basis and
post-graduate studies in Cuba. The immigrants
visiting our country do not necessarily have to stay
in a hotel, as was the case of 1994. Correo de Cuba
magazine is published steadily. Tomorrow, you will
have the official presentation of the Internet
portal Nation and Emigration, geared for the Cubans
residing overseas. In the course of these years, we
expanded the possibilities for the definitive return
to the country; in 1994, we removed the requirement
of the entry permit for those residing temporarily
abroad, who are now over 50,000. The Travel
Validity, used last year by more than 20,000 Cuban
immigrants, became operational in 1995. And finally,
as of 1 June, the Cubans residing abroad will no
longer need an entry permit to travel to the
country.
On
the other hand – and under the decision adopted by
our National Assembly of People’s Power in 1995 when
the Foreign Investment Act was discussed – in the
last two years alone, 72 proposed business deals or
investments by Cubans living in 12 countries have
been processed in Cuba. Of the 7 companies that
operate charter flights to Cuba from the US, 6 are
owned by Cubans. More than 100 travel agencies, also
owned by Cubans, are involved in the preparation of
trips to our country – which have increased despite
the draconian measures and the constant persecution
of the US Government to prevent them.
The
last Food and Agribusiness Exhibition, held in
Havana with the presence of US companies, was
attended by a score of Cuban-born CEOs residing in
the United States.
The
relation of the immigrants with the country’s
cultural life is a reality today. Between 1996 and
2003, Cuba published 53 titles with works by 163
Cuban authors living in more than 15 countries.
Over
the same period, more than 200 articles by 106
authors residing overseas were published in Cuban
cultural magazines. In the last few years, more than
10 authors presented their works at the
International Book Fair of Havana. Some of them have
been part of the board of prestigious literary
prizes in our country.
All
of this allows us to assert that our Government and
various Cuban institutions, with the active
involvement and participation of the Cubans residing
overseas, have worked seriously and that the
situation today is totally different from the one we
had when the I Conference was held.
Today, we can also announce new decisions that will
further facilitate the attention to and the
relations with the Cubans residing abroad. These
are:
The
creation of a new office, initially attached to the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to deal with the Cubans
residing overseas, with more extensive functions and
powers than those currently enforced by the Foreign
Ministry’s Division of Consular Affairs and
Attention to Cubans Residing Abroad.
The
decision to grant university scholarships to
children of Cuban immigrants.
The
creation of a summer course program of Spanish
language and Cuban history and culture, particularly
designed for descendants of Cubans residing
overseas.
The
adoption of new measures that will further expedite
and render more secure the customs procedures. This
will include the pricing system by luggage weight,
which must resolve one of the issues causing the
most complaints and nuisances.
Having said all this, I believe it is essential to
underscore three aspects:
First: There are no major problems between the
Nation and its immigrants. In essence – and even
when we should continue to work in the future – the
decisions made in the last decade have laid the
groundwork for the gradual normalization of
relations between the Nation and its immigrants.
Those who present the ongoing aggression of the US
Government – in alliance with a crooked, ambitious
and anti-patriotic clique of Cubans residing in that
country – as a “problem among Cubans” are lying. The
real problem, both for the Cubans who live in their
homeland and for all those who – no matter where
they live – feel love for Cuba and want to see it
free and sovereign, is the decision of President
Bush (who has inherited an imperial yearning for
Cuba that goes back a couple of centuries) to deny
us the right to self-determination; to deny us the
right, enshrined in the UN Charter, to be an
independent country and select, without outside
interference, our economic, political and social
model, as well as our laws and our institutions.
Second: The economic blockade and the policy of
aggression against Cuba are today the major obstacle
to the full normalization of relations between the
Cuban immigrants and our country.
Third: The measures announced by President Bush last
6 May are a new and flagrant violation of the human
rights of both the Cubans living in the US and those
living on the island. Standing up to them must
become the top priority of whoever feels like a
Cuban.
However, precisely at this point in time, when there
is an increase in the pressures and the threats
against Cuba, our optimism is stronger, as well as
our unwavering faith that this noble and generous
people will not be subdued; the people that endured
these last 14 years of huge perils and hardships
will not surrender, let alone now knowing that its
final victory over the blockade and the aggressions
is certain. When we hosted the I Conference – some
of the guests here today will remember it very well
– what was at stake was whether the Cuban nation
would be able to survive such obstacles and dangers.
Today, ten years later, nobody, not even our most
embittered enemies, doubt our capacity to overcome
the difficulties and forge ahead. That is, most
likely, the cause of their despair and their
ever-increasing hatred against our people.
Cuba
will take a giant leap towards its socio-economic
development the day it is left in peace to build its
future. It will do it just the same, even if the
blockade is further tightened – but, undoubtedly,
without the costs entailed by the economic war that
it has to endure today, our country would move a lot
faster.
And
that day, when there is no longer any blockade,
hostility or “transition” plans for Cuba designed in
Washington – or the yearning to annex Cuba to the US
– then the Cubans will be able to travel legally
back and forth without any restrictions whatsoever,
except the handful of people who may not be worthy
of such prerogative for their shameful and harmful
conduct against the homeland; those who wish to
retire in Cuba and have the means to that end will
do so; it will not be a crime, under the US law, to
invest in and trade with our country; the
Helms-Burton Act and the Torricelli Act will have
been repealed; there will be no Cuban Adjustment Act
or any encouragement to illegal migration; there
will be no brain drain either; there will be no
terrorist groups threatening our country and those
who wish to travel to Cuba and engage in a dialogue
with its authorities; they will not do it with
impunity; there will be no more illegal broadcasts
against Cuba; there will be no more radio and TV
stations tarnishing the name of the Apostle of our
independence; there will be no more money from the
US budget to fund subversion and the campaigns of
lies against Cuba; there will be no more plans of
military aggressions or attempts to assassinate our
leaders. Our five young heroes, who are political
prisoners in the US, will have returned to their
Homeland, to their families and to their people. The
Cuban nation will have finally reached, after
centuries of struggle and huge sacrifices, its right
to live in full justice and freedom.
Finally – and in light of the dangers looming over
the very existence of the Cuban nation – I would
like to recall that next 12 June it will be the
103rd anniversary of the moment in which by 16 votes
in favor (of which 4 said that they were doing it
against their will, forced by the circumstances), 11
against and 4 absences, the Constituent Assembly was
compelled to accept the Platt Amendment. Before, on
25 July 1900, the US military governor in Cuba had
dictated Military Ordinance 301, which set forth:
“Therefore, it is ordered that a general election be
held on the Island of Cuba on the third Saturday of
September 1900 to elect delegates to the
Convention…to draft and adopt a Constitution for the
people of Cuba – and, as part of it, make provisions
and agree with the US Government on the relations
that must exist between that Government and the
Government of Cuba.” In conformity with the
regulations imposed by the US occupation army, only
150,648 inhabitants – accounting for 7% of the Cuban
population at the time – were entitled to vote. That
is how, under the rapacious guise of the Empire,
those so-called “elections” were organized.
Let
us recall, now that we are getting ready to exchange
views with respect and transparency on our free
Cuba, the text of the Platt Amendment:
Article I. The Government of Cuba shall never enter
into any treaty or other compact with any foreign
power or powers which will impair or tend to impair
the independence of Cuba, nor in any manner
authorize or permit any foreign power or powers to
obtain by colonization or for military or naval
purposes, or otherwise, lodgement in or control over
any portion of said island. As of that moment, Cuba
had to receive the OK of the US Government to reach
a treaty or covenant with another country.
Article II. The Government of Cuba shall not assume
or contract any public debt to pay the interest upon
which, and to make reasonable sinking-fund provision
for the ultimate discharge of which, the ordinary
revenues of the Island of Cuba, after defraying the
current expenses of the Government, shall be
inadequate. As of that moment, Cuba would have to
make consultations with the US Government to see
which levels of indebtedness it could reach.
Article III. The Government of Cuba consents that
the United States may exercise the right to
intervene for the preservation of Cuban
independence, the maintenance of a government
adequate for the protection of life, property, and
individual liberty, and for discharging the
obligations with respect to Cuba imposed by the
Treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be
assumed and undertaken by the Government of Cuba.
The promise of an independent country, over which
hundreds of thousands of Cubans had died, was
reduced to this infamous phrase: “The Government of
Cuba consents that the United States may exercise
the right to intervene…”
Article IV. That all acts of the United States in
Cuba during its military occupancy thereof are
ratified and validated, and all lawful rights
acquired thereunder shall be maintained and
protected. This way, they prevented the revision of
the fraudulent operations, through which the
voracious US capitals had appropriated the young
nation’s best land and resources.
Article V. The Government of Cuba will execute, and,
as far as necessary, extend the plans already
devised, or other plans to be mutually agreed upon,
for the sanitation of the cities of the island, to
the end that a recurrence of epidemic and infectious
diseases may be prevented, thereby assuring
protection to the people and commerce of Cuba, as
well as to the commerce of the Southern ports of the
United States and the people residing therein.
Hypocrisy and demagoguery to hide the obvious: the
US imposed the condition of protectorate on Cuba,
without independence and powers. That reminds us of
the promise in the new annexation plan of Cuba
adopted by President Bush “to vaccinate all children
under five years of age who have not been
inoculated.”
Article VI. That the Isle of Pines shall be omitted
from the proposed constitutional boundaries of Cuba,
the title thereto being left to future adjustment by
treaty. A brazen imposition that did not hide the
plan of taking over the Isle of Pines. Since they
were not able to make it with this first attempt,
they left the issue pending for a more favorable
moment.
Article VII. That to enable the United States to
maintain the independence of Cuba, and to protect
the people thereof, as well as for its defense, the
government of Cuba will sell or lease to the United
States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations
at certain specified points, to be agreed upon with
the President of the United States. Thence came the
imposition of the Guantánamo Naval Base, turned
today into a horrendous concentration camp that
harms the credibility and moral authority of the US
Government in the eyes of the world. The Guantánamo
Naval Base is the world’s only facility still
maintained against the will of the country where it
is located. The US Government still sends us the
check amounting to US$ 4,085 per annum – that we, of
course, do not cash – for the rental of the 117
square kilometers encroached on one of the country’s
best harbors. But we do not give up on the idea of
one day seeing that territory illegally occupied
returned to our Homeland.
This
is the crossroads looming over the Cuban Nation
today: either the return to the corrupt Republic of
the Platt Amendment offered once again by the
Helms-Burton Act and President Bush’s famous
Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba, in which
four or five Miami-based ultraconservative
millionaires vie for the “pleasure” of serving as
President for the imperial master, or the return to
the virile, free and independent Republic, “with all
and for the good of all,” as dreamed of by José
Martí, that our people has built and is willing to
defend.
We
understand that the right to call oneself Cuban
depends, beyond the place of residence, on the
answer given to that question and the readiness to
defend the independence of our country with life
itself.
Welcome to the Conference. We hope that these three
days of outspoken and open debate will be of
interest to the Homeland.
Thank you very much.
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