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INTERFERENCE
Tourist Jorge Moragas has a lot
of dirty laundry
BY JEAN-GUY ALLARD
—Special for Granma International—
JORGE Moragas, international relations secretary of
Spain’s Popular Party, who tried to enter Cuba using
a tourist visa whilst fulfilling his task as an
agitator on behalf of his friends in Miami, did not
express the same love of “democracy” and “human
rights” when he mixed with the mafia, those
terrorist friends of his master Aznar, last year in
Florida.
 Aznar’s
shady relations with Florida’s most extremist and
corrupt elements who financed his ascent to power
and then demanded a juicy commission for it might
possibly be explained by Moragas – confidante of the
former Moncloa palace tenant – thus casting light on
his own conduct.
Aznar, now head of the Foundation for Analysis and
Social Studies (FAES) - closely linked to the hidden
workings of USAID, which is managed by
Cuban-American Adolfo Franco – where Moragas
occupied the post of director of international
relations, was never prone to explain the genesis of
his visceral anti-Cuban sentiment.
It
is not a futile exercise to refresh our memories and
those of his trustworthy companion at the same time.
SURROUNDED BY
TERRORIST MAFIOSI
In a
well-known photo taken in Miami during his
“initiation” trip in 1995, Aznar is shown in a
highly emotional state alongside his new friends:
Jorge Más Canosa, deceased lifelong president of the
Cuban-American National Foundation and a CIA agent
trained in sabotage, and José Antonio “Toñin”
Llamas, member of the executive committee of the
Cuban-American National Foundation (CANF). This same
individual was on the front page of the papers when,
in October 1997, four Cuban émigrés were detained in
Puerto Rico aboard the Miami yacht La Esperanza,
carrying 50-caliber rifles. They were on their way
to the Venezuelan island of Margarita where the
Cuban president was due to speak at the
Ibero-American Summit. The boat transporting the
four terrorists was his property.
The
investigation also revealed that Francisco “Pepe”
Hernández, CANF president at that time following the
death of Más Canosa, was the owner of one of the
rifles.
Great buddies for the head of government of the
“Spanish Republic”, as his accomplice and friend Jeb
Bush would wrongly describe him later in Madrid.
DOES
MORAGAS REMEMBER SINTEL’S GIFT?
In
1996, the large Spanish state-owned corporation
Sintel was prospering. It had 21 subsidiaries
throughout the world. It was at that time that Juan
Villalonga, the penultimate president of Telefonica
and a close friend of Aznar, sold it to the U.S.
MasTec International Company, the property of Jorge
Más Canosa’s son, Jorge Más Santos.
According to former buddies of Más Santos, his
father’s only heir, this individual had fraudulently
liquidated Sintel through a series of financial
maneuvers and a mélange of international societies
in tax havens and banks in Luxembourg, Haiti, the
Virgin Islands, Mexico, Puerto Rico, Switzerland and
the United States.
Sintel was finally declared bankrupt.
This
massive fraud left several thousand Spanish Sintel
workers and employees of its subsidiaries without
jobs. A fact that failed to stir the emotions of the
PP human rights defenders.
In
his book Salvar el mundo del terrorismo
(Saving the World from Terrorism), eminent Cuban
academic and researcher José Luis Méndez recalls
that in 1995 “the CANF increased its terrorist plans
(…) This escalation selected several industrial
centers and tourist locations; the sugar refinery in
the city of Cienfuegos, the thermoelectric plant in
Matanzas and the Tropicana cabaret to the west of
the capital were studied.” There are several
witnesses to this conspiracy, including Guatemalan
Percy Alvarado – Agent Frayle in the Cuban state
security forces – who was contracted in Miami to
carry out such tasks.
That
CANF operation was so sophisticated that the
organization had managed to distribute GPS equipment
to several of its agents on the island in order to
locate the homes of the leaders of the Revolution,
hospitals that attended foreigners and the
headquarters of mass organizations.
However, the friendship between Aznar and Más Canosa
was (and without doubt, continues to be) so strong
that the Miami capo lent him his private plane to
travel to El Salvador and Costa Rica in the company
of his son, who was responsible for ensuring that
the distinguished Spaniard didn’t want for anything.
Meanwhile, the terrorism continued. Posada Carriles
unleashed his campaign of terror in 1997 during
which Italian Fabio di Celmo died in Havana.
Would Moragas now attempt to make us believe that
Aznar was unaware of this when he found himself in
Miami in November 1995, and that he continues to be
unaware that those individuals who attended the PP
leader with such great care were linked to terrorist
activities? Was he so misinformed that he would not
have discovered in 1997 the facts about the La
Esperanza case and the subsequent charges brought
against several individuals linked to CANF in this
scandalous dossier on terrorism?
And
did he fail to hear that in July 1998, Posada
Carriles confessed that he had received $200,000
from the hands of Jorge Más Canosa in order to carry
out terrorist attacks on Cuba, thus funding the
series of attacks in 1997?
When
Aznar was in Panama in November 2000, and that
country’s authorities proceeded to arrest
international terrorist Luis Posada Carriles for
attempting to blow up the lecture hall at the
University of Panama whilst the Cuban president was
speaking, was he still unaware of the fact that
Posada was linked to his CANF friends, such as his
accomplice Guillermo Novo Sampoll, an executive
member of the organization?
Whilst he was fiercely condemning Basque terrorists
at that summit, hadn’t he heard that in Miami, his
CANF friends had been encouraging, financing and
directing the activities of Posada Carriles and his
gang of international terrorists for years?
And
wouldn’t the pro-Franco neofascist Jaime Mayor
Oreja, former minister of the interior – another
great democrat famed for cases of torture and
physical mistreatment in Spanish police stations and
who was one of three “heirs apparent” to the
leadership of the Spanish government at that time -
have informed his boss of the rich terrorist careers
of his Miami friends?
And
what about the Bush family, the other buddies of the
PP leader with the big mustache? Those same Bush
boys who released Orlando Bosch from jail and hitmen
such as “Bloodbath” Esquivel… and who allowed the
recent return of Guillermo Novo Sampoll to Florida
after he was given a pardon in Panama along with his
accomplices?
Did
Moragas, self-appointed expert on international
relations and “diplomat” (sic), not know that his
friends in Miami are openly demanding not an idyllic
“democracy” for Cuba but that it becomes “a second
Iraq” and that “Havana is transformed into another
Baghdad”?
Or
as Miami diva Ninoska Pérez-Castellón says with her
customary eloquence, that Cuba will be cleaned up by
driving a bulldozer from Pinar del Río to Santiago
and then repopulating the island with people from
Miami.
It
didn’t enter Moragas’ mind to travel to Baghdad to
give lessons in human rights to the torturers at Abu
Ghraib born to a large degree from the trusting
support of his party that is so “Popular” with the
imperial powers.
But
instead he flew to Cuba with all the enthusiasm of
those unpatriotic mercenaries encouraged by imperial
subsidies.
Torture
Moraga may perhaps recall that Spanish Professor
Fernando Mariño Menéndez, president of the UN
Committee against Torture, called on the Spanish
government to accept the UN Human Rights Commission
in Geneva. At the time, Mariño Menéndez stated that
the committee wanted “humanitarian criterion to
prevail in the jails” of this country where for
eight years, Aznar, Oreja and Moragas applied their
often fascistic concept of human rights, as much in
terms of repression in the Basque country and as in
immigration.
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