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STATEMENT
BY H.E. MR. FELIPE PÉREZ ROQUE, MINISTER OF FOREIGN
AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA, AT THE 59TH SESSION
OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY. NEW YORK,
SEPTEMBER 24, 2004
Mr. President:
Every year at the United Nations we
go through the same ritual. We attend the general
debate knowing beforehand that the clamor for
justice and peace by our underdeveloped countries
will be ignored once again. However, we persist. We
know that we are right. We know that one day we will
accomplish social justice and development. We also
know that such assets will not be given away to us.
We know that the peoples will have to seize them
from those who deny us justice today, because they
underpin their wealth and arrogance on disdain for
our grief. But it will not be always like this. We
say so today with more conviction than ever before.
Having said this and knowing – as we
do – that some powerful persons, just a few, present
here will be chagrined, and also knowing that they
are shared by many, Cuba will now tell some truths:
First: After the aggression on
Iraq, there is no United Nations Organization,
understood as a useful and diverse forum, based on
the respect for the rights of all and also with
guarantees for the small States.
It is living through the worst
moment of its already forthcoming 60 years. It pales,
it pants, it feigns, but it does not work.
Who handcuffed the United Nations
named by President Roosevelt? President Bush.
Second: US troops will have to be
withdrawn from Iraq.
After the life of over 1,000
American youths was uselessly sacrificed to serve
the spurious interests of a clique of cronies and
buddies, and following the death of more than 12,000
Iraqis, it is clear that the only way out for the
occupying power faced with a people in revolt is to
recognize the impossibility of subduing them and to
withdraw. In spite of the imperial monopoly over
information, the peoples always get to the truth.
Someday, those responsible and their accomplices
will have to deal with the consequences of their
actions in the face of history and their own peoples.
Third: For the time being, there
will be no valid, real and useful reform to the
United Nations.
That would require the superpower,
which inherited the immense prerogative of the sole
use of an order conceived for a bipolar world, to
relinquish its privileges. And it will not do so.
We now know that the anachronistic
privilege of the veto will remain; that the Security
Council will not be democratized as it should or
expanded to include Third World countries; that the
General Assembly will continue to stand ignored and
that at the United Nations there will be more
actions driven by the interests imposed by the
superpower and its allies. We, as non-aligned
countries, will have to entrench ourselves in
defending the United Nations Charter – because,
otherwise, it will be redrafted with the deletion of
every trace of principles such as the sovereign
equality of states, non-intervention and the non-use
or the threat to use force.
Fourth: The powerful collude to
divide us.
The over 130 underdeveloped
countries must build a common front for the defense
of the sacred interests of our peoples, of our right
to development and peace. Let us revitalize the Non-Aligned
Movement. Let us strengthen the G-77.
Fifth:
The modest objectives of the
Millennium Declaration will not be accomplished. We
will reach the fifth anniversary of that Summit in a
worse situation.
We wished to halve by 2015 the
1.276 billion human beings in abject poverty
that existed in 1990. There had to be a yearly
reduction of 46 million poor people. However,
excluding China, between 1990 and 2000 extreme
poverty rose by 28 million people.
Impoverishment is not declining, it is growing.
We wanted to halve by 2015 the
842 million starving people recorded in the
world. There had to be a yearly reduction of 28
million. However, there has barely been a
reduction of 2.1 million hungry people per year.
At this rate, the goal would be attained by
2215, two hundred years after the envisaged date
– and only if our species survives the
destruction of its environment.
We proclaimed the aspiration to
achieve universal primary education by 2015.
However, more than 120 million children, 1 in
every 5 at that school age, do not attend
primary school. According to UNICEF, at the
current rate the goal will be accomplished after
2100.
We proposed to reduce by two-thirds
the mortality rate in children under five years
of age. The reduction is symbolic: out of 86
children who died per 1,000 live births in 1998,
now the figure is 82. Every year, 11 million
children continue to die of diseases that can be
prevented or cured, whose parents will
rightfully wonder what our meetings are for.
We said that we would pay
attention to the special needs of Africa.
However, very little has been done. The African
nations do not need foreign advice or models,
but financial resources and access to both
markets and technologies. Assisting Africa would
not be an act of charity, but an act of justice;
it would be tantamount to settling the
historical debt resulting from centuries of
exploitation and pillage.
We undertook to put a halt to
and start reverting the AIDS pandemic by 2015.
However, in 2003 it claimed nearly three million
lives. At this rate, by 2015 some 36 million
people will have died of this cause.
Sixth:
Creditor countries and the international
financial agencies will not seek a just and lasting
solution to the foreign debt.
They prefer to keep us in debt; that
is, vulnerable. Therefore, even though we have paid
off US$ 4.1 trillion in debt service over the last
13 years, our debt increased from US$ 1.4 trillion
to US$ 2.6 trillion. It means that we have paid
three times what we owed and now our debt is twice
as much.
Seventh: We, as underdeveloped
countries, are the ones that finance the squandering
and the opulence of developed countries.
While in 2003 they gave us US$
68.400 billion in ODA, we delivered to them US$ 436
billion as payment for the foreign debt. Who is
helping who?
Eighth: The fight against
terrorism can only be won through cooperation among
all nations and with respect for international law,
and not through massive bombings or preemptive wars
against "dark corners of the world."
Hypocrisy and double standards must
cease. Sheltering three Cuban-born terrorists in the
United States is an act of complicity to terrorism.
Punishing five Cubans who were fighting terrorism,
and punishing their families, is a crime.
Ninth: General and complete
disarmament, including nuclear disarmament, is
impossible today. It is the responsibility of a
group of developed countries that are the ones that
most sell and buy weapons.
However, we must continue to strive
for it. We must demand that the over US$ 900 billion
set aside every year for military expenditures be
used on development; and
Tenth: The financial
resources to guarantee the sustainable development
for all the peoples on the planet are available, but
what is lacking is the political will of those who
rule the world.
A development tax of merely 0.1% on
international financial transactions would generate
resources amounting to almost US$ 400 billion per
annum.
The cancellation of the foreign debt
incurred by underdeveloped countries would allow
these to have available for their development no
less than US$ 436 billion on a yearly basis – money
that is currently used to pay off the debt.
If developed countries complied with
their commitment to set aside 0.7% of their Gross
National Product as ODA, their contribution would
increase from the current US$ 68.400 billion to US$
160 billion per annum.
Finally, Excellencies, I want to
clearly express Cuba’s profound conviction that the
6.4 billion human beings on this planet – who have
equal rights according to the United Nations Charter
– urgently need a new order in which the world is
not left in suspense, as is the case now, awaiting
the outcome of the elections in a new Rome in which
only half the voters will participate and nearly US$
1.5 billion will be spent.
There is no discouragement in our
words, I must say so clearly. We are optimistic
because we are revolutionaries. We have faith in the
struggle of the peoples and we are certain that we
will accomplish a new world order based on respect
for the rights of all; an order based on solidarity,
justice and peace, resulting from the best of
universal culture and not from mediocrity or brute
force.
About Cuba, which cannot be detoured
from its course by blockades, threats, hurricanes,
droughts or human or natural force, I will not say
anything.
Next 28 October, for the thirteenth
time, this General Assembly will debate and vote on
a resolution concerning the blockade imposed against
the Cuban people. Once again, morality and
principles will defeat arrogance and force.
I would like to conclude by
recalling the words spoken right here 25 years ago
by President Fidel Castro:
"The noise of weapons, of menacing
language, of prepotency on the international scene
must cease. Enough of the illusion that the problems
of the world can be solved by nuclear weapons. Bombs
may kill the hungry, the sick and the ignorant, but
bombs cannot kill hunger, disease and ignorance. Nor
can bombs kill the righteous rebellion of the
peoples…"
Thank you very much. |