Political Prisoners of the Empire  MIAMI 5      

     

O U R   A M E R I C A

 Havana.  December  11, 2009

ALBA in its natural scenario

Nidia Díaz

• THE fifth anniversary of the constitution of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA), which is taking place in Havana, could not have a better prologue than the overwhelming and impeccable reelection of President Evo Morales in the elections of Sunday, December 6, which constitutes an unequivocal signal that the process of change that opened up at the end of the 1990s has come to stay.

Chávez, Fidel and Evo during the event to celebrate ALBA’s first anniversary in 2005.
Chávez, Fidel and Evo during the event to celebrate ALBA’s first anniversary in 2005.

For some, it remains a daring feat that Fidel and Chávez signed the founding constitution of the ALBA, with aspirations of success, on December 14, 2004. The irrationality of the Bush regime was at its height and Cuba and Venezuela were in the sights of the many snipers that the empire had positioned south of the Rio Grande to prevent others, equally daring, from trying to undertake liberation processes in its "backyard."

The horizon at that time presaged storms and the attempts of those who were already talking of founding more just and equitable societies in which solidarity and cooperation were the guiding principles, could have foundered. Imperialism was spending - and still is - millions of dollars to discredit those who were already fighting to add themselves to that possible world, but one that is diametrically opposed to U.S. interests.

In just five years, the Latin American and Caribbean political scenario has steadily changed and, 12 months after the Havana meeting came the electoral victory, with 54% of the vote, of the man who was to become the first indigenous president in the history of Bolivia, where the racism of the "camba" oligarchy fell on him throughout the whole of his first mandate in order to overthrow him. Despite its million dollar resources and support received from Washington, the pro-separatist Bolivian oligarchy witnessed with anger Evo's re-legitimation in the referendum via which it tried to revoke his presidency, with figures in excess of the percentage points Morales secured in 2005 when he was elected for the first time.

Likewise in 2005, José Manuel Zelaya won his victory in the Honduran elections. Coming from the traditional and conservative Liberal Party, he decided to lead his homeland in a new direction and become part, with enthusiasm, courage and self-determination of the integrationist process underway. A position that the business and political oligarchy found unpardonable and which resulted in their premeditated move to remove him from power on June 28, 2009, recorded as one of the most spurious coup d'états  in the history of Latin America. A coup that aroused universal repudiation and, above all, a demonstration of the false promises of the new president of the United States, Barack Obama, when he announced that his government would relate to the region on an equal footing.

Twelve months after Zelaya’s victory at the polls, in 2006, Rafael Correa and Daniel Ortega both triumphed in the Ecuadorian and Nicaraguan elections, respectively. In the latter country, barely two years later, the Sandinista Front gained a resounding victory by winning 109 of the 142 councils in dispute in municipal elections. Indisputable results that U.S. imperialism is still trying to reverse in order to place those instances of power in the hands of the displaced neoliberal bourgeoisie and thus weaken the political geography of the Central American country.

In 2007, Guatemalans elected President Alvaro Colom who, in his own way, has undertaken to correct the inequalities and resulting violence in the interior of the country and to develop an independent foreign policy, to the point of having visited Cuba, an unthinkable step for those presidents who were docile and servile to imperial interests. With that, he also demonstrated that the Central American "banana republic" was being left behind.

In Argentina, Senator Cristina Fernández, a woman with a strong position in defense of her country's human rights and sovereignty , was likewise elected in 2007, thus guaranteeing the independent stand in terms of foreign policy initiated by her husband, Néstor Kirchner who, together with the Brazil of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva  and the Chile of Michelle Bachelet had reinforced the South American position on the international scenario, while all were attempting to construct more just and equitable societies in their respective countries.

Equally worthy of mention is the 2008 victory in Paraguay of former bishop Fernando Lugo, who brought to an end more than 60 years of the Colorado Party monopoly in that nation.

The consolidation of the Bolivarian Revolution with the reelection of President Hugo Chávez in 2006, and the resounding victory of the constitutional referendum granting indefinite reelection to offices open to popular election, joins these sustained changes that have been taking place in the region, where Cuba continues to be a reference of resistance and a vocation of solidarity and internationalism. This year is ending with the reelection of the Frente Amplio in Uruguay in the presidential elections, in which voters demonstrated via the ballot boxes their determination not to return to the past. The resounding win of the Frente Amplio candidate, José Mujica, an ex-Tupamaro and a living symbol of the struggle for a better world, is an eloquent example of the changes that have come about on the continent in the last five years.

Five years that have seen not only the advance of pro-independence positions with the election of new regional political leadership, but one where integrationist mechanisms have been reinforced in parallel with the ALBA, and with similar objectives. Five years during which the empire has lost more than a few battles and, in its desperation has fallen back on wielding the politics of the big stick in an attempt to end the abovementioned advances. The return of the 4th Fleet, the reemergence of fascism and the militarization of the region with the establishment and extension of its military bases in Colombia and Panama are examples of the military option having weight in terms of solving U.S. differences with its neighbors when subversive interference fails to liquidate the Irredentist position of the Latin American and Caribbean peoples.

In these five years, which have witnessed the birth, advance and consolidation of ALBA with the entry of Bolivia, Nicaragua, Honduras, Ecuador, Dominica, St. Vincent and the Grenadines and Antigua and Barbuda, plus the extension of its programs to the benefit of other non-member nations, there have been other significant events that serve as a basis and guarantee of the common struggle for the second and definitive independence.

To highlight some of them:

• The creation of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) as a consultation and integration mechanism for all the South American countries, without foreign interference.

• The independent and resolute action of the Rio Group in relation to the Colombian-Ecuadorian conflict, which made it possible to avoid an armed confrontation between the two countries resulting from the violation of Ecuadorian territory on the part of the Colombian armed forces. A moment when the need for a mechanism without the conditions or dependence on the United States of the Organization of American States was put to the test.

• Cuba's entry into the Rio Group, thus confirming respect for, the political authority of and confidence in the Cuban Revolution and the independence of that group of nations on foreign policy issues.

• The approval of the new constitution in Ecuador via a referendum.

• The 1st Summit of Latin American and Caribbean Countries on Integration and Development - without foreign participation - in Salvador de Bahía, Brazil, convened by president Lula as unequivocal evidence of the region's maturity in the search for regional solutions to problems affecting us.

• The reinforcing of links between Cuba and CARICOM as an expression of our country's ties with its insular equals.

• Closer and mutually advantageous relations between the Chinese, Russian and Iranian leaders and their important Latin American counterparts.

• The creation of the UNASUR Defense Council, the objective of which is the construction of a South American defense identity and the generation of consensus to strengthen cooperation in the region at a time when, on the pretext of combating drug trafficking and insurgency in Colombia, the U.S. government is tightening the siege of all national liberation processes with the overt objective of plummeting - like the bird of prey that it is - on our natural resources that are necessary to its strategy of domination.

Latin America and the Caribbean are convinced that little or nothing can be expected from the new White House occupant, who has demonstrated via his ambiguous and gutless position in relation to core issues affecting us that his administration is going to repeat the aged and secular steps of arrogance, intimidation and plunder that have predominated in the conflictive relations that the United States has maintained with the region.

The celebration in Havana, Cuba, of the fifth anniversary of the founding of ALBA, at a time of dangerous lethality in regional relations with Washington, has to be, and doubtless will be, a message of the unwavering position of its member states not to weaken in the struggle for the second and essential independence, convinced that are not alone. Together with UNASUR and other political and economic integration mechanisms, we shall design from our diversity the unity for which we have been fighting for 200 years.•
 

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